limitations on the wearing of arms are constitutionally permissible. They disarm those only who are neither inclined nor determined to commit crimes. 68 The court resolved this dilemma by examining the history and nature of the right. That proportion increased, through parliamentary reform acts passed in 18, to one-third and two-thirds respectively. But farther than this, it must be held, that the right to keep arms involves, necessarily, the right to use such arms for all the ordinary purposes, and in all the ordinary modes usual in the country, and to which arms are adapted, limited.
Arms Under the Tennessee Constitution: A Case Study. Civic, republican Thought, by Glenn Harlan Reynolds.
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1333 (1992 Reynolds, supra note. Assault weapons, those repeating arms that make up the primary weapons of today's military forces throughout the world, are far more military in character than the predominantly bolt-action rifles and shotguns typically employed by hunters. After all, it may be useful to the state to allow individuals to own all sorts of property, ranging from steel mills to circular saws; yet, there are no constitutional provisions specifically protecting those sorts of property. The duties, penalties, and sanctions pictured in the utopias they paint are all too weak and tame to touch the military-minded. In this sense, I suppose that I am profoundly conservative. Permission for WWW use at this site generously granted by the author. The object, then, for which the right of keeping and bearing arms is secured is the defence of the public. Modern readers, used to thinking about the phrase "common defense" as used in the Federal Constitution, 24 are likely to interpret the term as meaning defense against external enemies. 69 In short, the court found that the right to bear arms is a political right-a right that exists primarily for the good of the political body.